Professor Michael Flamm examines the historical context of Michael Brown’s death

SH: Could you describe how race relations and racial inequality became a leading national issue in the 1960s, especially, and then declined to a certain extent since then?

MF: The Civil Rights movement, the freedom struggle, had of course been going on in the United States for centuries. It gains momentum during World War II, and after World War II, because you clearly can’t lead a fight on behalf of democracy and against fascism overseas and not turn and look at the racism that was prevalent in the United States. The United States in the 1940s, especially in the South, was a segregated nation, an apartheid nation in many respects. And so the Civil Rights movement gains momentum in the 1950s and 1960s. By the 1960s, certainly the early 1960s, civil rights is the top domestic issue, Dr. King has become a national figure, everyone in the country is aware of what’s been happening in places like Selma…The organized civil rights movement, the freedom struggle, reaches a peak in 1963, with the March on Washington, in 1964 with passage of the Civil Rights Act, and then in 1965 with the passage of the Voting Rights Act.

After 1965, civil rights begins to fade as a national issue for most white Americans, for a variety of reasons. The Vietnam War becomes an enormous distraction of energy and resources, the Civil Rights movement loses a number of its most effective leaders –  obviously the assassination of Malcolm X in 1965, the assassination of Dr. King in 1968, that has a tremendous effect as well. The Civil Rights movement itself begins to fragment and splinter; some African-Americans decide that they no longer want to pursue integration into white society as their objective; others begin to reject Dr. King’s emphasis on nonviolent civil disobedience. You have a rise of a new and younger generation of African-American leaders and so there’s some tension and fragmentation within the movement, and then in the 1970s and late 1980s that trend continues, and the organized civil rights movement diminishes, there’s less public attention to the issue, although naturally African-Americans remain very committed to the cause throughout the period and are still fundraising. To be fair, a great deal of progress is also made, and that removes some of the urgency, and going to the point of this interview I think part of the issue in Ferguson is that many white Americans aren’t aware of the many serious and real problems that still exist because this issue of race relations hasn’t been on the front pages or television screens except for periodic episodic explosions. But in general, I don’t think that many white Americans don’t spend a great deal of time considering how difficult it is, especially for poor, urban African-Americans who are isolated not only from white society but also from middle-class black society. And if I can just continue, one of the great successes of the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s is to create opportunities for middle-class Black professionals, many of whom have integrated successfully into society, moved into places and areas that were previously white-only, but they left behind a Black underclass that continues to struggle every day with economic oppression, police brutality – social problems.

SH: Do you see the death of Michael Brown and the way it’s been responded to as a potential watershed moment to bring race relations back into the national focus or do you think it could end up dying out?

MF: If I was an optimist, I would say that the death of Michael Brown might lead more Americans to question how the police operate and whether this war on drugs is worthwhile, whether it makes sense to pursue a prison policy of mass incarceration – the United States now has more people behind bars than any other country in the world, overwhelmingly these are poor people of color, there’s a tremendous discrimination built into our current policing system and I would hope people would take another look at it in the aftermath of Ferguson but I’m not especially optimistic.

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“Many white Americans aren’t aware of the many serious and real problems that still exist because this issue of race relations hasn’t been on the front pages or television screens except for periodic episodic explosions.”

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SH: Why do you think it’s become such a critical issue in ways that the deaths of Oscar Grant or Trayvon Martin in the past did not, or even some of the other deaths this summer (of Eric Garner, John Crawford and Ezell Ford) did not?

MF: It’s a terrific question. I think the Michael (Brown) death has attracted national attention largely because of the reaction of the police department in Ferguson. It’s quite interesting to note in New York City and in other places the police were much more proactive in reaching out to the community, they had better relations with the community, most large-city police departments are much better integrated now than in the past, they’re much more sophisticated in terms of community relations. We saw none of that in Ferguson. We saw a mainly white police force that was clearly not prepared to engage in community relations or in damage control in a reasonable manner.

SH: Having studied the 1960s, which also saw very aggressive police tactics against largely nonviolent demonstrators, not only in the South but also in Chicago in 1968 at the (Democratic) National Convention, what was your reaction when you saw the initial police response in Ferguson?

MF: I was surprised that in the 21st century, a police force was so unprepared to deal with a peaceful protest. On the other hand I saw the events in Ferguson as a very direct consequence of the 1960s in two ways. First of all, the urban riots of the 1960s caused police departments across the country to shift their focus from crime control to riot control, and really retrain and rethink how to deal with large crowd protests and disturbances. It is also in the 1960s that we first see the militarization of policing and that’s in response to the riots of the 1960s but it’s also in response to the Vietnam War, because in the 1960s and 70s, as today, the military was shipping large quantities of equipment that it was no longer using to police departments across the country. And so the police departments are changing their tactics, but they also have access to a whole range of weapons and equipment as a result of the militarization of policing.

SH: Are there any moments in the movements for racial justice, whether in the United States or elsewhere – in South Africa, for instance – that you see as comparable to Michael Brown’s death in a historical perspective, or in terms of how the police and the public reacted?

MF: If you look at South Africa, there were police massacres that took place – Sharpesville, Soweto, other places like that. I do want to interject a note of caution here. The Michael Brown situation in Ferguson is a tragedy, but we’re talking about the death of one person. I don’t believe that the Ferguson police department has handled it well, I was as shocked and horrified by the images that we all saw of people wearing military uniforms and clearly having equipment that was inappropriate for the scene. At the end of the day, and perhaps this is a low bar, at the end of the day the police in Ferguson do have discipline, they do have control. One death is a tragedy, any death is a tragedy, but you can’t compare it to the killing of hundreds of people in South Africa or in other places by a police action.

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“There will be another tragedy in the near future and public attention will shift to that tragedy and away from Ferguson, and the deep underlying problems in Ferguson that haven’t been addressed in the past 30 years aren’t likely to get addressed in the next year or two.”

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SH: I’d read that some comparisons just in terms of the images and how they had their guns pointed, but other than what initially started it with the death of Michael Brown, the Ferguson police haven’t fired a shot.

MF: I would simply point out that I’m writing a book about the Harlem riot of 1964, which was the first major riot of the 1960s, and during the six days of the Harlem riot, officers of the New York Police Department fired thousands and thousands of warning shots. And it’s frankly a miracle that only one person was directly killed in New York City. By comparison, in Ferguson, the police have shown, I think, appropriate restraint in the use of firepower. Now perhaps they shouldn’t have displayed the firepower in the first place, and perhaps their response was somewhat overwhelming but they haven’t used those weapons, they’ve maintained fire discipline and command control and they’ve kept the tragedy from growing.

SH: Where do you think things will end up going from here? I know you said you weren’t very optimistic.

MF: As a pessimist, I believe that this incident will quickly be forgotten, I believe that it will be overshadowed by some other incident that captures people’s attention. I find that today, the world of new social media – people are quickly energized, but they equally quickly forget what has happened, move on to the next cause, the next issue…I hate to be cynical, but I feel quite confident that there will be another tragedy in the near future and public attention will shift to that tragedy and away from Ferguson, and the deep underlying problems in Ferguson that haven’t been addressed in the past 30 years aren’t likely to get addressed in the next year or two. Although I do hope that the police department in Ferguson will make more of an effort to integrate, to reflect the community it serves, and of course to take community relations more seriously.

SH: You mentioned social media. Could you talk about how social media has driven the way the America has looked at this case and even heard about it?

MF: The social media drives coverage of stories and interest in stories. It’s clear that CNN and other major news outlets had no idea how important events in Ferguson were until social media exploded. The conventional mainstream media sources have been cutting back in their coverage of stories that don’t fit a national profile and into that void social media has stepped. It’s a reflection, though, of how quickly the Twitterverse and social media can blow up a story but I think like a balloon those stories are easily inflated but then they also quite easily deflate as attention shifts somewhere else.

SH: Could you talk about how you think the media has covered the situation and how the police have responded to the media?

MF: I hate to generalize about the media because it’s not fair to paint with too broad of a brushstroke – some of the media have done a good job. I will say, as a historian, I’ve been disappointed and in some cases shocked by the lack of historic knowledge and perspective that reporters have displayed. I am thinking in particular of a reporter on (CNN) who speculated as to why the police department hadn’t used water cannons, fire hoses, on the demonstrators. This clearly is a reporter who has no memory of Birmingham or the demonstrations, or why police departments since the 1960s have been very careful when using either police dogs or water cannons on Black demonstrators or protestors…I’ve seen John Lewis interviewed on television several times about the Ferguson incident; I can only imagine what he thought of that comment on (CNN) suggesting that the police in Ferguson should have used water cannons.

SH: For one final question, could you talk about how – if you’re familiar with this – journalists have been treated by the police and is that something that surprised you?

MF: It’s surprising to me – it’s reflective of the lack of sophistication or preparation on the part of the Ferguson Police Department. Most big city police departments are now much more careful and sophisticated when it comes to treating reporters. In some respects what happened in Ferguson is extremely comparable to the 1960s when reporters were frequently harassed, beaten, mistreated by police officers when they attempted to cover stories. The most famous example comes in 1968, in August 1968, during the Democratic National Convention, when protesters and reporters are beaten on the streets of Chicago who don’t want what they’re doing covered or reported in the media.

The Issue: ISIL

This summer, a militant group in Iraq and Syria has been making major headlines. ISIS, or ISIL as world leaders call it, has made a name for itself. The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant is known for its massacres and hostile takeovers of major Iraqi cities.

The increasing violence in the region prompted President Barack Obama to send in American troops, about four years after the last combat troops left Iraq. However, these troops are not on the ground, instead, they are just using air power. Along with airstrikes, the U.S. also carried out humanitarian aid drops, most famously to the Yazidi minority in Iraq, that were trapped on a mountain.

Within the past few weeks, the situation got even more dire, due to the beheading of American journalist James Foley by a member of ISIL. Foley was kidnapped in Syria two years ago, and was held for ransom since. ISIL is claiming they are holding another American journalist who disappeared in Syria in 2013, NBC News reports.

According to NBC News, the United States had tried to rescue Foley and the other journalist, but the mission failed due to a location error. Foley was being held for ransom for about $132 million. ISIL militants have also been accused of killing and holding Lebanese soldiers.

And on Tuesday, many news outlets reported that ISIL beheading the second American journalist in their custody, Steven Sotloff. As of press time, neither the White House nor the State Department could confirm the video of the beheading.

Within the past few days, Iraqi troops, along with U.S. airstrikes were able to liberate the Iraqi town of Amerli, after “a months-long blockade by Islamic State militants that had surrounded the Shiite Turkmen village and raised fears of an impending massacre,” the Washington Post reports. The militants surrounded the town in June.

The Issue: Russia

Russian President Vladimir Putin is at it again. After a bit of a lull in the militant fighting in Ukraine, minus the downing of Malaysian Airlines Flight 17 by Ukrainian rebels, more trouble is brewing in the region. Within the past few days, Russian troops entered Ukraine. According to the Associated Press, Western countries say Russian troops and supplies went to Ukraine “to bolster the pro-Russian rebels.”  Western countries are also alleging Russia has given weapons and fighters to Ukraine. According to AP, NATO says there are at least 1,000 Russian troops in Ukraine.

On Sunday, Putin “demanded that the Ukrainian government negotiate directly with pro-Russian separatists,” the New York Times said. Putin also suggested the issues of “statehood,” the Washington Post is reporting. This call for negotiations, and possible statehood, comes around the time where other European leaders threaten tougher economic sanctions against Russia if the conflict does not end within the next few days.

Even though Putin brought up the idea of “statehood,” he is claiming that “this did not mean Moscow now endorsed rebel calls for independence for territory they have seized,” Reuters reported.

According to the United Nations, the death toll of this ongoing conflict is about 2,600 people.

Editor’s Note: The featured image for this article originally showed a member of an Iraqi militia. The image was changed to a photo of ISIL members.

Six vehicles had their tires punctured while parked outside the Bigelow-Reed House at 23 Williams Drive this weekend, and Public Safety (PS) is working to determine if this was part of a larger attack on vehicles throughout Delaware. “We just need to determine if it’s isolated to campus – and that’s going to be our investigation if that’s the case,” said Investigator Richard Morman. “If it’s much wider, wide range like it appears it is then we’ll collaborate with the Delaware Police on their investigation. Obviously if it happened all over the city it could just be a random act; if it happened just here on campus it could be isolated.” “We’re waiting to hear back whether this is a city wide issue,” said PS Director Robert Wood. According to the incident report, the first case was discovered around 2 p.m. on August 31, at which time five other cases were found by responding PS officers. The damage is believed to have occurred between 3:30 p.m. August 30 and 1:45 p.m. August 31. Morman said that while he initially thought that the tire puncturing was targeted, the reports of similar incidents around town led him away from that. “There was no commonality between them (the vehicles),” he said, offering the example that they didn’t all have stickers which would suggest the owners were members of the same fraternity. Public Safety hasn’t determined any possible suspects yet, according to Wood. “We can share that we don’t have any,” he said. Morman added that they don’t know if the perpetrator or perpetrators were University students or Delaware residents. “Hopefully that’s to be determined,” he said.

By Spenser Hickey

Managing Editor

The Ohio Wesleyan community lost Athletics Hall of Famer Ryan Missler ’98 on August 9 following a car accident on Route 33 in Dublin, Ohio. He was 38.

Missler started on Ohio Wesleyan’s baseball team for three years and after graduation played two years in the independent minor leagues; he joined the Hall of Fame in 2008.

“He was one of the most outstanding baseball players that Ohio Wesleyan ever had,” said Roger Ingles, current Athletic Director and Missler’s coach on the baseball team.

“…He was just an outstanding player, outstanding person and everybody looked up to him. He was a leader on and off the field.”

Jodi Andes, Dublin Police Department spokeswoman, said the accident remains under investigation but did not have further details at this time.

In his time at OWU, Missler played third base and shortstop, earning the Player of the Year award from the North Coast Athletic Conference his senior year. He led the NCAC in batting average at .485, fourth best in OWU history, and set the OWU record for most home runs in a season.

That year, the Bishops defeated Ohio State’s baseball team 10-7 in the Buckeyes’ first home game; Missler had two home runs in the game.

“He was easily the best player on the field and they (Ohio State) were Big Ten champs that year so I think that tells you what kind of caliber of player he was,” Ingles said.

In his junior year, he was named to the All-NCAC first team, having been a nominee for that selection sophomore year, tying for fourth on OWU’s list of most runs batted in during a season.

His three year career batting average of .400 was fifth-highest in OWU history and he tied the  home run record at 27.

Following his time in the minor leagues, Missler worked alongside his brother Aaron as vice presidents of the family business, Missler’s Irrigation, based out of Dublin; their father Mike is president.

“After he graduated, he played in our golf outing every single year, he and his father and brother,” Ingles said.

“Their irrigation company did a lot of work on campus…he’s one of those guys that you get as a coach that’s kind of a once in a lifetime person. He’s just going to be missed by a lot of people, our thoughts are with his family.”

This story was updated on Sept. 17 with additional information.

Keeping a car on Ohio Wesleyan’s campus is now almost twice as expensive.

Students who want a B-level permit, which provides access to most residential lots, will have to pay $175 for the upcoming academic year, according to a Public Safety statement released July 30. The B permit cost $100 last year.

So far, though, the number of B passes issued are almost three times greater than the number of C passes: 434 to 153. The strategy involved raising B permits from $100 to $175 and C permits from $10 to $15.

The price of a C-level permit also increased from $10 to $15 for parking in lots further removed from residential buildings, such as those near the Jay Martin Soccer Complex, Beeghly Library and Selby Stadium.

The penalties for breaking OWU’s parking rules will also be steeper this year. Parking ticket fines are increasing from $20 to $30 for cars with permits and to $50 for cars without permits. Public Safety will put boots on the fifth violation for permitted cars and on the third violation for those without permits. Those drivers will have to pay $75 to get the boot removed, which cost $50 last year.

The hikes is an effort to reduce crowding both in OWU’s lots and on Delaware streets, according to Public Safety director Bob Wood. With last year’s influx of cars on campus, many students who needed B spaces often couldn’t get them. He said he hopes the cheaper C permit will divert drivers away from the crowded residential lots.

Also part of the effort is the Enterprise CarShare Program, now in its second year. Wood noted that the Delaware Area Transit Authority’s main bus hub is on Park Avenue in the center of OWU’s campus.

“We’ve got a lot of good transportation options, so we’re trying to encourage people — if you don’t need a car, why don’t you look at another way to do this?” he said.

The greater sanctions for drivers without permits is an effort to reduce crowding on Delaware streets, which has prevented residents from parking near their houses, Wood said. Public Safety will be stepping up enforcement of its requirement of all OWU students with cars to buy a permit.

Many students reacted negatively to the increase. Senior Emma Buening said she couldn’t afford a $175 B pass.

“I don’t even have books that cost that much,” she said. “I would have to get so many tickets from DPD for it to be worth it that it’s not.”

She only rarely parks on campus, and then for just as long as needed.

“If there was a cheaper option – if it was $40 or $50, I would think about it,” Buening said, adding that C lots were far away. “A C Pass, where can I even park? Selby?”

Sophomore Nicole Barhorst said the higher parking cost makes it more burdensome for her to travel home each month to visit her sick grandparents and the girl she mentors through Big Brothers Big Sisters.

“I absolutely need my car to spend time with these very important people, yet every year it gets much less affordable to bring one to campus,” she said on Facebook.

Wood said he and other administrators compared the university’s parking prices to those at similar schools and found OWU’s were cheaper. But even with the additional $75 per permit, he said, there’s still a gap in maintenance costs, which are between $800 and $1,500 per space.

Sophomore Brian Burnett suggested Public Safety prohibit freshmen from having cars on campus or keep them to the C lots, which OWU used to do. The policy changed last year, when B and C lots both opened to all students.

Managing Editor Spenser Hickey contributed reporting to this story.