This editorial was meant to be an appeal to the campus community, particularly men, to take part in SlutWalk, which was planned for this evening.
Sadly, as I sat down to write it, though, I received an email from the Sisters United cabinet saying that the event had been postponed until October.
While we may not be marching tonight, the message of the eventâspeaking out about sexual violence and survivor-blamingâis still very important.
The article on Pages 1 and 2 about the Delhi rape case provides a clear picture of what these societal ills can cause if they go unchecked and unchanged.
This is not just a problem with India, but an international problem that affects almost all if not all nations. During the violent upheavals in Egypt, there were reports of hundreds of sexual assaults against women at the demonstrations. There were the extremely violent gang rapes that occurred in India and Brazil, and here we had the case of Stuebenville, as well as reports of shocking mishandling of sexual assault cases by colleges around the nation.
And yet these cases are only the tip of the iceberg when it comes to sexual violence. The vast majority of cases never see this kind of attention, and they can affect both women and men, survivors and the family and friends of survivors.
We can all be hurt by sexual assault and all have a stake in speaking out against it, and that is one of the messages of SlutWalk.
The college campus environment, sadly, is one of the most prominent sites of sexual violence in America today. Colleges often lack adequate services to prevent assaults, punish assailants, or support survivors.
The measures used to prevent sexual violence also often include warnings about unattended drinks, not walking home alone or taking self-defense classes.
While these can prevent sexual assault in the short term, to really address the problem in the long term we the conversation should be about consent and teaching men (overwhelming the offenders) not to rape. Thatâs what SlutWalk is about.
We may not be walking tonight, but we will take this time to improve the event and spread the word. The march will take place in October. I hope to see you there.
After Robin Thickeâs âBlurred Linesâ became a summer anthem and just as quickly met a wall of criticism for its endorsement of rape culture, I thought we wouldnât have to talk about it anymore and the annoyingly catchy song would fade into obscurity like all one-hit-wonders before it.
But an article purporting to criticize the critiques of the song has quietly gone viral.
KC Schmidtâs âBlurring the Lines of Feminism: A Criticism of the Criticism of âBlurred Linesââ popped up in multiple places on my Facebook feed earlier this week. Many of my friends praised Schmidt for her critique of the feminist discourse around the song.
I was immediately skeptical when Schmidt, who claims to be âa lower-case-f feminist,â said she didnât find Thickeâs lyrics offensive because their problems are so obvious to me. As I read on, I found I only disagreed with her points more.
I think criticism of widely held opinions is incredibly important, and Schmidt does make valid points about some responses, particularly captions from a photo essay comparing the songâs lyrics to the words of actual rapists, containing false notions of womenâs sexuality.
But there are a couple major points with which I disagree.
First, the claim that âBlurred Linesâ is a âwomenâs lib anthemâ is nonsensical at best and dangerous at worst. In so classifying the song, the author cites the pre-chorus lyrics, where Thicke pleads the nameless, faceless object of his affection to let him âliberateâ her from another man. She says Thickeâs is about womanâs sexual agency and refuting manâs ownership of a woman.
There are two gaping holes in this idea. First, this lyric is the only place another man, or âliberation,â for that matter, is mentioned; the rest of the song is Thicke uncomfortably pursuing a potential sexual partner. To call the song an anthem based on one repeated line doesnât make sense. Second, simply put, a man cannot write a womenâs liberation anthem. A man has not, is not and never will live a womanâs life in a misogynist, patriarchal, violent society. Therefore, he doesnât know from what woman need to be liberated, nor can he determine the terms of womenâs liberation. The latter was the state of the pre-feminist United States, to which I hope Schmidt and I can agree we donât want to return.
I, as a man, know it is not my place to talk about womenâs liberation, but I know it is my place to call out other men when their male privilege is showing. Robin Thicke, if youâre trying to write a âwomenâs lib anthemâ, which I highly doubt you are, your male privilege is showing. Regardless of your intent with this song, your male privilege is showing.
Second, Schmidt argues the lines âThe way you grab me/Must wanna get nastyâ are merely Thicke saying he has an idea his potential partner might want to have sex with him. She says thereâs nothing wrong with a person showing sexual interest in another, whether itâs buying someone a drink or physically touching them. In her view, itâs not inappropriate for a woman to grab Thicke to show interest or for him to infer she wants sex.
This is true, but there is a clear difference between âmightâ and âmust.â The former implies a chance; the latter indicates certainty. These blurred semantic lines are dangerous. The logical step to take with âmightâ is to clarify what the other person wants, while the next step for âmustâ is to go ahead and take what you want. âMightâ leaves room for explicit consent, but âmustâ does not.
Additionally, I donât think the photo essay Schmidt takes issue with is entirely useless as a criticism. The fact that actual rapists have spoken Thickeâs lyrics is a reflection of their social context, in which rapists are more often exonerated than punished and have their actions defended by legal and social institutions.
This is perhaps not a complete critique of Schmidtâs piece, and there is certainly more to be said about it. I commend Schmidt for taking on the often monolithic popular feminist discourse. But I donât think we should let rape culture get away with its social, legal and psychological crimes, even if space doesnât permit a full indictment.
I read The Transcript September 13th coverage of The Ohio Wesleyan Counseling Center with great interest and would like to address some of the concerns presented. The departure of Colleen Cook and Eric Johnson this summer brought about significant transitions in Counseling Services. Both Dr Cook and Dr Johnson were excellent therapists and highly respected by students and staff alike. They each have moved on to new exciting careers and their departure have understandably left questions about what changes will develop in counseling services.
As I reflected on that September 13th issue a few thoughts came up for me. First I want to extend my appreciation for those OWU students who have advocated on behalf of Counseling Services and worked to both reduce the stigma attached to mental health problems as well as increase access to services. Resource allocation by colleges and universities is challenging and the student bodyâs desire to ensure counseling service access for all students is commendable and a goal that I strongly support.
I recently retired as Director of Counseling and Student Health at Oberlin College. My career in college counseling expands over nearly 40 years and resource allocation and funding issues for counseling center operations have been at the forefront of my work and the efforts of my fellow counseling center directors across the country throughout this time. Regardless of the institutional resources itâs always the case that education is the primary institutional mission and all other services (including counseling support) are secondary and provided to support the success of the educational mission. This level of support is different and more limited for example than you would expect of an organization with a primary mission of mental health care.
Because counseling or psychological services are secondary to the primary mission of the college, there will always need to be some limitations to the scope of services provided. The challenge is to work within these limitations by implementing methods to provide more efficient and effective treatment for those who desire it. Many students have expressed concern regarding students being placed on a wait list prior to receiving counseling services. This is also a concern for those of us working at Counseling Services. In response to this concern we held meetings at the beginning of the school year to devise and implement procedures for reducing or eliminating the need for a wait list. Coming into the meetings, our goals were to create a plan that would allow us to 1) schedule students to be seen quickly upon presenting to Counseling Services, 2) provide well-established therapies that have shown to be effective, and 3) meet the demand for counseling at OWU so that all students who desire help can receive services. As a result of these discussions and shared professional experiences at a number of colleges, we have shifted the orientation at Counseling Services to align with these goals, which will allow for greater access of services for our student body.
This short term/ brief or solution focused therapy model is the approach used on most college campuses today and many problems can be successfully addressed using this model. It is very important that we emphasize that the counseling provided at Counseling Services is not primarily focused on âemergency counseling â. Although this makes up a portion of our services, Counseling Services is available to address issues that college students regularly struggle with nationwide. Some of the most common concerns we work with include issues with anxiety, depression, suicidal thoughts, family problems, relationship concerns, loneliness, transitions into or out of college, etc. When students are struggling with longer-term issues and concerns indicating a higher level of support than Counseling Services can provide, staff can help facilitate referrals for work with clinicians in the community for ongoing support. For many students looking for longer-term support, this is a similar arrangement to services obtained at home prior to attending college. Counseling Services staff is meeting with local providers this month to enhance this referral network.
This shift to providing short-term therapy will allow us to serve more students in an equitable and effective manner and eliminate or significantly reduce the probability of a wait list. I want to emphasize that much good and effective work continues to be done and is available to students. This is an opportunity to be listened to, receive support and to clarify the challenges you are experiencing. We have an energized staff ready to meet with you and Iâm confident that the current orientation to providing services will deliver an overall positive impact for students.
Despite the understandable concerns that some have expressed regarding the availability of counseling services, most students can be scheduled to meet with a counselor within a week. Of course, during heavy periods of utilization the schedules do get filled, but we realize that crises do still occur in studentâs lives. We have created a solution for this problem by creating Crisis Walk-In hours which will allow students to see a counselor on the same day. This service is designed to assist students who are confronting life-threatening circumstances, current or recent traumatic crisis, and/or serious emotional distress. During a same-day crisis consultation a counselor will meet with you briefly to discuss your situation. If you are experiencing a crisis a counselor will work with you to contain and stabilize the situation. If your situation is not a crisis the staff will work with you to schedule an appointment as soon as possible. The same-day walk-in crisis consultation hours are limited each day and are offered on a first come first served basis. Hours are Mondays and Tuesdays at 11:00am and Wednesdays, Thursdays, & Fridays at 1:00pm.
I again want to voice my support and admiration for the continued dedication and diligence of the student body in working to address concerns related to mental health resource availability at OWU and beyond. Moving forward, I feel confident that we can all work together to continue to address the challenges and realities of mental health at OWU, and work to meet the ever changing need. I welcome your dialogue and new ideas for meeting the challenges of mental health in our community.
“I don’t even have it because I saw my friend’s and I hated it” – Jenna Morris, ’14“I like the new backgrounds and the way they move with the phone” – Claire Lofgren, ’16“I love it. It’s a lot more individualized for each person.” – Jerry Lherisson, ’16“I like it because it’s different. It has a lot of new gadgets and I like the new backgrounds.” – Mike Serbanoiu, ’15“I like iTunes radio about iOS 7. I’m still getting used to the colors.” – Ibrahim Saeed, ’15
If you had a Netflix account and the least amount of free time last summer, chances are you probably watched Orange is the New Black. Then you probably emerged from a television-induced stupor two days later, after binge-watching all 13 episodes of the first season.
The drama/comedy produced by Netflix was adapted from a novel called âOrange is the New Black: My Time in a Womenâs Prisonâ by Piper Kerman.
A summer hit, the Netflix adaptation follows fictional Piper Chapman into a womenâs prison in upstate New York.
Chapman is instantly relatable to the initial 18-25 year-old viewer: sheâs young, idyllic albeit a little lost, and she and her boyfriend are still somewhat dependent on their parents for financial support.
Sheâs also easy to forgive. She screwed up once, a long time ago. Who hasnât? Sheâs not really a criminal. Itâs easier for an audience to see themselves in her, and then they canât help but want to be on her side. Piper Chapman is easy for the average viewer to cheer for because, well, sheâs white. And thatâs exactly how producer Jenji Kohan expects us to see her.
In an interview with NPR, Kohan described Chapman as her âtrojan horse,â claiming âyou’re not going to go into a network and sell a show on really fascinating tales of black women, and Latina women, and old women and criminals. But if you take this white girl, this sort of fish out of water, and you follow her in, you can then expand your world and tell all of those other stories. But it’s a hard sell to just go in and try to sell those stories initially. The girl next door, the cool blonde, is a very easy access point, and it’s relatable for a lot of audiences and a lot of networks looking for a certain demographic. It’s useful.”
This honest, raw, and sometimes uncomfortable portrayal of race, class, and gender discrimination is why you should watch it. Yes, it may have scenes that will make you choke on your 2:00 AM ice cream sundae, accompanied by lesbian sex scenes that are far more explicit than cable.
But the real impact of âOrangeâ comes from its exploration into the background of a different character in each episode. These stories â from the transwoman who is serving time for credit card fraud because most health insurance providers refuse to cover sex reassignment surgeries, to the Latina woman who is in prison because she had little other choice but to let her abusive boyfriend use her kitchen as a drug hub â force the audience to examine circumstances that real-world Piper Chapmans can easily go through life ignoring.
âOrange is the New Blackâ juxtaposes the complaints of Chapman and her middle class, white friends with the harsh realities faced by those who live in urban poverty in way that makes you pay attention. And it showcases the way that privilege, be it based on gender, race, sexual orientation, or class, plays a role in every aspect of someoneâs life â whether theyâre aware of it or just passively benefitting.
It also raises some serious questions about our prison system and the role it plays in perpetuating the circle of poverty, especially among marginalized populations. And lastly, itâs hilarious. This mostly-female cast walks the tightrope of a dramedy like they were born to be there. And with its incredible success this summer, clearly this diverse, smart storytelling has an audience.
When you consider the underwhelming representation of dynamic women or people of color (or most notably absent, women of color) portrayed in mainstream media, itâs easier to understand why âOrange is the New Blackâ is turning so many heads. It provides a long overdue portrayal of something other than the white guy whoâs smooth and intriguing, excessively violent, stupid/funny, and always sexual.
And hopefully, itâs a sign of a new era of television.
âAnother day, another mass shooting.â That was my first thought when I heard about the Navy Yard incident in Washington D.C. on Sept. 16. As of press time, 13 people have been confirmed dead, including the suspected shooter.
I feel like I canât escape this vicious cycle of gun violence. Every time I check the New York Timesâ or see the televisions in Hamilton-Williams Campus Center turned to CNN, the headline is always about a shooting or two. Itâs gotten to the point where I just expect to hear about a shooting on the news. Itâs a sad reality.
I grew up in Wisconsin, where hunting is way of life. Guns are constantly present. On Aug. 5, 2012, in Oak Creek, which is about half an hour from my house, an armed man barged into a Sikh Temple and opened fire. In all, seven people were killed, including the shooter, Wade Michael Page. Page was a former member of the U.S. Army and a white supremacist. He legally purchased the guns used in his rampage.
This shooting hit close to home, figuratively and literally. You think youâre immune to these acts of gun violence when youâre nestled in your cozy little bubble. But when it does happen, youâre in shock. I know I was. I was glued to the TV for the next few days, just watching the coverage.
Wisconsin has a concealed carry law, which basically means people are literally allowed to carry guns wherever they want. So whenever I go into my local Jewish Community Center, where my mom works, I see a sign that says that guns arenât allowed on the premises. I would think that one wouldnât need a gun going into a place where kids go to day camp or where people go work out.
My household is quite liberal, and while growing up, I wasnât surrounded by guns. My dad told me when he was younger he had a .22 caliber rifle. When I found that out, I was utterly shocked. However, he told me that he and his brother had to take classes provided by the National Rifle Association in order to shoot the rifle at a local shooting range.
Still, the fact that my dad, who is the biggest proponent for gun control I know, had a gun rattled me. He told me, âLook, Iâm not anti-gun. Iâm just very pro-gun control and education.â Thatâs the stage Iâm currently in. The fact that civilians are able to purchase semi-automatic guns to just have them is sickening. These are military grade weapons, what does John Smith from Anywhere, U.S.A., need it for?
Guns need restrictions. There, I said it. People are so afraid of this topic, as to not offend anyone. Whatâs there to offend? We need stronger gun control laws in order to prevent tragedies like Newtown, Conn., and Aurora, Colo., shootings from happening again.
Iâve always thought it was common sense for there to be education and stricter rules for people purchasing arms. But as Iâve talked to people, Iâve realized my views arenât as common sense as I would like them to be.
Some think there should be no restrictions on guns. I ask them, âEven automatic weapons? You think automatic weapons are okay for regular people to just gallivant around town with?â They give me a blank stare while I sigh. The conversation is almost pointless.
After every major tragedy with guns, thereâs a large outcry about the need for stricter gun control laws. Facebook and Twitter are abuzz with impassioned pleas for a change in the laws. I cannot deny that Iâm guilty of hopping on this social media bandwagon, too.
But I actually write to my lawmakers. After the failure of the latest gun control bill in April 2013, I wrote to both of my senators about their votes on the bill. I received the generic âThanks for contacting us, butâŠâ email. Hey, at least I did my part.
Recently, it came out that Iowa that blind people are allowed to have gun permits. And according to the Washington Post, in one county, three permits were granted to people who arenât allowed to drive legally. Doesnât that sound like a headline from the Onion? I feel like the next step is to allow dogs to get guns. I can just imagine itâmy lovable golden retriever wearing a gun holster to the dog park! Doesnât he have the right to bear arms?
In order for our country to not have these tragic events occur on an almost daily basis, there needs to be actual change in our government. People need to be persistent when it comes to talking to their senators or anyone who represents them. Donât just put your opinion on social mediaâdo something to start the changes. I know Iâm writing to my elected officials, because I donât want my dog to be able to own a gun.
I spend my Friday afternoons digging through studentsâ discarded apple cores, half-eaten sushi and greasy pizza boxes. No, this isnât my desperate attempt to compensate for the fact that I am on the small meal plan this semester. I spend my Friday afternoons sorting through the compost because itâs a program that would fall to the wayside without the help of dedicated students.
The compost program was initiated and led by Ohio Wesleyanâs former sustainability coordinator, Sean Kinghorn. Sean, along with the sustainability coordinator intern, two recycling interns and student volunteers, sorted through the compost twice a week, removing any items that were not compostable. If any given bag of compost contains more than five percent non-compostable materials then the university will be charged. However, if we compost effectively, it saves the university big bucks because we pay for our garbage pickup by weight, whereas our compost pickup is done free of cost.
Now, the grant money that funded the sustainability coordinator has run out, and the university has chosen not to renew the position. The sustainability coordinator intern and the two recycling intern positions have also been terminated. The effects of these absences are already being felt. The recycling bins that used to dot Rowland Avenue have disappeared. Clearly, we need to move to permanent structures, positions and protocol so that sustainability will be worked into the fabric of our university instead of relying on projects that may or may not be sustained in the long-term.
Amongst all these losses we do have a glimmer of hope in that the two new composting interns, Ellen Hughes and Erika Kazi, will maintain the composting program. But everything is not running smoothly. The first week was a scramble to get all the compost sorted by pick-up time and it was only narrowly completed. While- the Hamilton-Williams Food Court was headed in the direction of waste diversion, this process has been stalled with the addition of Papa Johnâs. Â Unfortunately, Chartwells signed a contract requiring them to use Papa Johnâs pizza boxes, which are not compostable or recyclable. The composting program diverts about 30 tons of waste annually but we could easily divert more than 60 tons a year if we used all compostable containers and if the student body learned to compost effectively. Couldnât we have added a greener, perhaps local, pizza company to the Food Court instead?
Composting interns removed these non-compostable Papa John’s pizza boxes from compost bins during one afternoon of compost sorting.
Students are not consulted with these kinds of decisions, but they shouldnât have to be. This serves as a prime example of why we need a full-time sustainability coordinator making sure that all of Ohio Wesleyanâs new programs, initiatives, and renovations are done in a sustainable manner. Without this position sustainability is put on the back burner and we are already feeling the effects of Seanâs absence. While schools with permanent sustainability coordinators like Kenyon, Denison, Otterbein and Wooster, to name a few, are working towards a solution to global climate change, Ohio Wesleyan seems to be taking one step forward and one step back.
This 9/11 Memorial honors two OWU alumni who died in the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks.The local fire station flies their flag at half mast to honor the lives lost in the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks.
By Spenser Hickey
News Editor
The physical signs on campus may have been few, but the grim weight of memory still sat heavy on us all.
Around campus, things were different today. The JAYWalk seemed quieter, and the time between classes seemed longer; the day as a whole seemed more drawn out, offering added time to reflect and look back on that morning, 12 years ago.
There were some reminders â not that we needed them. One student wore an NYPD shirt; another had one with the New York City skyline; the flag at the fire station on the aptly named Liberty Street hung at half-mast. I never heard anyone say what had happened verbally, but we all knew.
In what has become a memorial custom of our modern age, many took to social media to offer their reflections and commemorations for the lives lost that day; one student mourned her father, while another posted that he was pulling an all-nighter in Beeghly for the first time since the night US Special Forces killed Osama Bin Ladin.
Ohio Wesleyan was not spared by this tragic attack on America – Douglas Cherry, Class of 1985; Edward Luckett, Class of 1984; and Ann Judge, Class of 1973 were among the 2,977 victims.
They have been honored with a memorial rock and garden on the academic side, but this year there were no special services, or university-wide commemorations of the lives lost among the OWU community. Twelve years is a long time, and eventually the yearly memorials and moments of silence end.
But even without these traditional rites, even if no one brings the day up in conversation, the pall remains, as it always will. This day was the Pearl Harbor or the Kennedy assassination of our generation, and the memories – where we were, how we found out – will never fade. That day affected all of us, not just those who live in and around New York, or Washington, or Shanksville, PA.
Since that day we have witnessed one successful terror attack at home and many more abroad, as well as a number of failed ones, and fought and ended two wars, waged in the name of those killed, and sent military troops around the world as part of an ongoing global war. Last night, the President made the case for another foreign intervention in the Middle East.
Today – or at least this piece about today – is not the place to discuss whether the war in Syria is right or wrong, or if the NSA should have the power it does, or if surveillance by federal and police authorities of the Muslim-American community has overstepped the bounds of civil rights; I mention these as ways we as a nation and a society have been affected by the tragedy.
We have become more fearful, more patriotic, more aware of global issues. The day and the years that followed changed us, changed our culture, as shows like 24 and Homeland played up our fear of terrorist infiltration and our trust in renegade government agents willing to do whatever was necessary, regardless of if it was legal.
America was at war, and when sacrifices were needed we rose to the occasion, whether as first responders on the day, or soldiers, airmen, sailors and marines in the wars that followed; we showed the world and ourselves the depth of our resolve, as we did again after the Boston Marathon, as we may have to again.
As the day winds down and we go on with our lives, let us take some time to remember the 2,977 men and women who stepped from this earth into the arms of our national memory.
In what remains of today, and on the day next year, and the year after that, take some time to remember them, and those they left behind who will never forget, because of the events of that day – this day, 12 years ago.
Trayvon Martin pictured with his father, Tracy Martin, before his death on February 26, 2012.
By Spenser Hickey
News Editor
In light of George Zimmermanâs acquittal in the shooting death of Trayvon Martin, I am reminded of an episode of the TV series “The West Wing.”
A Latino LAPD officer shot and killed a black teenager holding what turned out to be a fake gun, and one of the characters â a Latino presidential candidate â speaks to a black church congregation about the incident; Iâve included some of his words below.
 I find myself on days like this casting about for someone to blame. I blame the kid, he stole a car. I blame the parents. Why couldn’t they teach him better? I blame the cop, did he need to fire? I blame every one I can think of and I am filled with rage.
And then I try and find compassion. Compassion for the people I blame, compassion for the people I do not understand, compassion. It doesn’t always work so well. I remember as a young man listening on the radio to Dr. King in 1968. He asked of us compassion, and we responded, not necessarily because we felt it but because he convinced us that if we could find compassion, if we could express compassion, that if we could just pretend compassion, it would heal us so much more than vengeance could. And he was right: it did but not enough. What we’ve learned this week is that more compassion is required of us and an even greater effort is required of us.
⊠I ask you today to dig down deep with me and find that compassion in your hearts, because it will keep us on the road. And we will walk together, and work together. And slowly, slowly, too slowly, things will get better.
To be fair, the similar details between the fictional case and the real-life tragedy of Trayvon Martin are superficial at best: a Hispanic man shoots and kills a black youth he thought was a threat to his life. Details aside, though, the message of the speech â compassion and the need for unity â still resonate at this dark hour.
Much of the national debate over the case centered on blame â what happened was Zimmermanâs fault for being a profiling wannabe cop; or, alternatively, Martin was a violent and possibly high punk who instigated the fight.
While Iâm personally more inclined to see more validity to the first assertion than the second one â and I admit I hadnât watched all of the trialâs nonstop coverage â the case was more than just two competing assertions.
Why did Zimmerman think Martin was suspicious? As far as I know, he hasnât spoken to this, and many have asserted he was assuming Trayvon was a criminal because of his appearance â a black teen in a hoodie. The details of the altercation that left Trayvon dead and Zimmerman apparently bloodied were fiercely contested, but even if Martin did start the fight, as Zimmerman claims, I can appreciate why he would have done so.
Thinking of this reminds me of a time, not too long ago, when I was walking late at night and saw an unknown man following me, as Trayvon did that tragic night. It was the last night of fall semester, and I was with several friends going up the JAYwalk when we saw someone trying to pry open the doors to the Hamilton-Williams Campus Center. He saw us, stopped, and began to follow us. We grouped together, called Public Safety. He vanished as soon as they showed up, and that was the end of it.
I had the safety of numbers, and as a white man did not have a deeply ingrained and often justified mistrust of police, as many black men do. And yet I still remember the fear and adrenaline I felt that night, and how I became conscious of the glass bottle I held, and thought of how I might have had to use it had I been alone, had PS been elsewhere. And so even if Trayvon were the instigator of the fight, I have an understanding of why he would have done so, not knowing who this man was â Zimmerman had been following him for awhile, first in a vehicle and then on foot.
I donât know why George Zimmerman did what he did, and I likely never will; none of us know what was in his mind as he approached Martin. And because the case is so muddled, Iâm not surprised there was an acquittal. After all, the only man who saw everything and is still alive was the one on trial.
Despite the acquittal, I still see in this case some progress in how racially-charged killings are handled.
Had this happened several decades ago, Zimmerman would almost certainly have gone untried, and Trayvon Martin would be just one of the scores of black men who never had a chance at receiving justice.
Look at the cases of Emmett Till, Jimmie Lee Jackson, Medgar Evers and the dozens of other martyrs of the Civil Rights Movement. All were killed, either by members of the Klu Kulx Klan or police (or both), who were acquitted despite clear evidence of their guilt and of their racist motives.
In the Zimmerman trial â where the motive and evidence is nowhere near as cut-and-dry, but very muddled and disputed â the trial represented a legitimate attempt at prosecution, even if it was deeply contentious.
And so, I think back to the speech from âThe West Wing,â and how relevant the lines on blame are; they could easily be adapted to fit this real tragedy. We can blame George Zimmerman for following Trayvon Martin; we can blame Trayvon Martin for starting the fight â if he did indeed do that â and we can blame George Zimmerman for shooting to kill. But blame will not bring Trayvon Martin back, and it will further divide us and may lead to even more violence, which none of us want.
I also think of the lines on compassion, and how it is my own community who needs to show compassion now, especially those of us who think that Zimmerman should have been acquitted, that the claims of racism were overblown.
Regardless of what we think of the specific details of this one case, all of us must, show compassion and solidarity for the black community, as they mourn the tragic loss of another one of their sons, and feel justice was withheld. They still struggle for equality, and we should support them.
My heart goes out to the Martin family and the black community, especially as I remember that this trial is not the sole example of racial strife present in todayâs America.
There are many other issues that need to be acknowledged, but the coverage of the trial has pushed them out of the national consciousness.
The Supreme Court just gutted the Voting Rights Act, and now southern states rush to pass voter identification laws once blocked for being too discriminatory.
Urban police departments are defending their stop and frisk tactics, and people of color are much more likely to be convicted and incarcerated longer than whites accused of similar offenses.
The North Carolina NAACP has had to return to civil disobedience and stand-ins in their Moral Mondays protests; just in the past few weeks, there were reports of KKK fliers being distributed in several states.
These are just some of the more prominent examples of racial discord that continues to plague our nation.
Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand (N.Y.), who has authored a bill to change the way the United States military tries sexual assault cases. Photo from gillibrand.senate.gov.
By Spenser Hickey
News Editor
Since World War II, as many as 1,000,000 men and women have gone into the service, eager to serve their country, only to be sexually assaulted by their comrades. Most never reported it and only a very few that did saw their assailant be convicted and thrown out of the service.
The number of military sexual assault survivors is greater than that of servicemen and women killed in action in every conflict the U.S. has taken part inâcombined.
According to recent testimony by Marine Commandant James Amos, 85 to 90 percent of sexual assaults remain unreported in todayâs military, despite twelve months of efforts by the top brass to effect change.
Now, after so many decades, Congress is planning legislation to fight the problem, either by putting control of sexual assault cases at the highest levels of military authority (as Ohio Rep. Mike Turnerâs bill advocates) or removing it from the militaryâs control all together (what Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand of New York is calling for).
Under the current system, an officer in charge of the case can change the verdict on a whim, even without being present at the trial, because the alleged rapist is a husband and father, and itâs thought they donât do that sort of thing. Itâs happened.
Ultimately, thatâs the problem with any system that tries to handle sexual assault cases in-house â it creates a recipe for potential injustice. Look at the Catholic Church or Penn State; look at the allegations of failures in reporting and violations of survivorsâ rights at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill or Dartmouth College.
The Joint Chiefs of Staff have balked at Gillibrandâs call for sexual assault cases to be overseen by civilian prosecutors, saying it would undermine unit discipline and trust.
âThe role of the commander should remain central,â said U.S. Army Gen. Martin Dempsey. âOur goal should be to hold commanders more accountable, not render them less able to help us correct the crisis. The commandersâ responsibility to preserve order and discipline is essential to effecting change.â
But itâs not essential, though, as several nations have proven.
In the militaries of England, Canada, Australia, Germany and Israel, for example, unit commanders do not have control over sexual assault cases, and their militaries arenât falling apart.
When asked about the methods foreign militaries use to combat sexual assault, the Joint Chiefs of Staff said theyâd âlook into it,â so maybe thatâs why theyâre convinced commanders need to retain their control â they arenât actually aware there are other systems that actually work better.
Military commanders have frequently claimed social change is a threat to unit discipline and order in response to government pressure, whether it was for racial integration, allowing women to serve in active duty or overturning âDonât Ask, Donât Tell.â And now itâs being marched out again, hopefully to the same lack of success as in the past.
While congressmen and women from both parties have been united in their pressure on military officials to carry out effective changes, one took the opportunity to put his foot in his mouth and make one more misguided statement about the causes of rape.
âThe hormone level created by nature sets in place the possibility for these types of things to occur,â said Sen. Saxby Chambliss (Ga.), in a statement that bumbled him into the realm of Todd Akin and so many other politicians â from both parties â who have made callous or misguided remarks about sexual assault.
While his statement was slammed in the media, conservative news site RedState posted a strong defense of Chamblissâs remark, claiming âthe liberal mediaâ was deliberately ignoring the context of the statement, and that the context excuses it.
The whole six-and-a-half-minute speech Chambliss gave, the âcontextâ RedStateoffers, has nothing to do with hormones, but with how the military has failed to create an environment that makes men too afraid to commit rape; instead theyâve created an environment that explicitly or implicitly permits it.
But then Chambliss made his claim, wholly unrelated to the speech he just made, that itâs the natural hormones that make this possible.
As RedState writer Erick Erickson puts it in his defending piece, itâs because 17-23 year old men are âhornyâ and a commander was âencouraging soldiers to hook up on base as much as possibleâ â and when these base impulses are added that to a broken system of reporting and prosecution, rapes are going to happen.
(Side note: if Ericksonâs name is familiar, itâs because he, along with Lou Dobbs, recently lost a heated on-air debate on gender roles and sexism with Fox News anchor Megyn Kelly â and I doubt heâs learned much from it.)
Hereâs the thing though, Sen. Chambliss and Mr. Erickson â hormones, as you put it, are ânatural.â That means we all have them â so if all the men in the military have these hormones and many are in these systems where they can get away with rape, why donât they all do it? And why are some of the alleged rapists outside that 17 to 23 age range?
Chamblissâs and Ericksonâs statements presume that if a young man is in a room with a woman heâs physically attracted to, and thereâs little chance of punishment involved, heâll have sex with her whether she wants to or not, because the hormones take over.
Itâs a disgusting premise for us young men, that we all have some repressed rapist on our shoulders; and itâs one that completely ignores the gender dynamics of rape survivors in the military (more men have been raped than women, according to DoD estimates) and the more common reasons most rapes occur in the military.
As with any crime, the motives behind these rapes differ from case to case, but ânatural hormonesâ are one of the least common factors. Military sexual assault, like prison rape â another systemic failure of reporting and justice â is primarily a crime of predation and power rather than passion, targeting the people offenders see as weaker and subjecting them to what they consider to be the worst humiliation.
Itâs not about sexual desire, but establishing and reinforcing power and control, and sadly the military already has a power-based hierarchal system that is being exploited by sexual predators who target their subordinates in the ranks.
In addition, rape â often against women and children â has been one of the oldest weapons militaries use against their enemyâs populations to further subjugate them and weaken their morale. Itâs seen in ongoing regional wars around the world; in the invasions of the Germans, Soviets and Japanese in World War II; and in hundreds of other conflicts going back to before ancient Rome and Greece. War and sexual violence have been entwined since the first groups of humanity took up arms against their neighbors.
In the case of our current military, I see some of these assaults as a violent physical expression of a broader attitude infecting the services â that women are weak and good only for sexual subjugation. Itâs part of a last-ditch effort to keep the military exclusive to men, and sexual assaults are an unseen salvo in this mostly undeclared war.
When itâs not directly about power, itâs because men think they have a right to use women or men for their own sexual gratification, regardless of their wishes. While Chamblissâs solution â that the military stop rape by making men fear the consequences too much do it â might work sometimes, itâs still not the right solution.
Instead, the military, and our entire society, need to teach men to treat people with respect and dignity, and to value the consent of their partner. Thatâs how we take back the military and end the invisible war.
But enough of Chambliss, Erickson and their wildly off-kilter perspectives on the causes of rape, which thankfully have been slammed by politicians on the left and right â letâs look at something else in this debate, something favorable a politician said.
“I cannot overstate my disgust and disappointment over continued reports of sexual misconduct in our military,â said Arizona Senator John McCain, a Navy veteran. âWeâve been talking about this issue for years and talk is insufficient.â
He recently said that he could no longer recommend to women in his constituency that they join the military, due to the rampant sexual assaults.
Itâs a bold move for a politician to tell citizens not to join the military, and I applaud McCain for doing so. But he missed one particular statistic about rape in the military: over half of survivors are men, not women.
Itâs not that surprising, when you consider that there are six times more men than women in the military; and men are less likely to report assaults than women, due to the aggressive hypermasculinity of military culture, which portrays being assaulted as the ultimate weakness in an environment where power is paramount. Like I said, this is about power, not passion.
âThe biggest reasons men donât come forward (with sex assault reports) are the fear of retaliation (from fellow troops), the fear of being viewed in a weaker light and the fact there are very few, if any, services for male survivors,â said Brian Lewis, a Navy veteran and rape survivor, in an NBC News interview.
In light of this, Iâd say everyone, regardless of gender, should think about the risks before enlisting in the military. I know I wonât enlist as long as the problem continues. Not just because of the danger, but because I refuse to be part of an institution where rape is an occupation hazard.
Thatâs not hyperbole, not a slick phrase I made up â itâs an actual judgeâs words, based the number and frequency of assaults, from a 2011 lawsuit against Donald Rumsfeld and Robert Gates.
âIf they actually had systems of accountability that prosecuted and imprisoned perpetrators, you would get rid of the rapes right away,â said attorney Susan Burke, who represented the plaintiffs â 28 veterans who were raped during their military service â in the 2011 lawsuit.
I donât know that Iâd go so far as to say a new system would end rapes entirely â it should be based off the civilian criminal justice system, and sexual violence is still a serious issue outside of the military. But it would certainly be better.
The current system has failed most veterans who turned to it at every step of the way.
Itâs failed at preventing assaults; itâs failed at offering comfortable reporting of them; itâs failed at prosecuting assault cases; itâs failed at punishing those convicted in accordance with their crime; and itâs failed at treating survivorsâ mental and physical scars as a result of their military sexual trauma.
The civilian criminal system is not without its flaws â look at the absurdly lenient sentences of the Steubenville rapists, or the grotesque case of the Central Park Five (teenagers of color wrongly convicted in the 1989 rape of a white woman).
But itâs still an improvement over the current military system, and itâs long past time for the military brass to swallow their pride and adopt a new system â or for the government to compel them to do so through legislative mandate.
Each day last year, an average of 38 men and 33 women in our armed forces were sexually assaulted by those they served with.
Theyâd each made the noblest choice an American can make â stepping up to risk their lives in our defense.
Iâm hard-pressed to think how their commanders, as well as our collective response to the problem, could have let them down more.
For an in-depth view into this crisis, watch âThe Invisible War,â available on Netflix Instant.